), as contrasted with the horizontal unity of the caste. As regards the specific case of the Rajput-Koli relationship, my impression is that, after the suppression of female infanticide in the first half of the 19th century, the later prohibition of polygyny, and the recent removal of princely states and feudal land tenures among the Rajputs on the one hand, and the increasing sanskritization as well as Rajputization among the Kolis on the other, marriage ties between these divisions have become more extensive than before. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. And how flexibility was normal at the lowest level has just been shown. For the sake of bravity and simplicity of presentation, I have not provided detailed documentation. For example, there was considerable ambiguity about the status of Anavils. A great deal of discussion of the role of the king in the caste system, based mainly on Indological literature, does not take these facts into account and therefore tends to be unrealistic. It is easy to understand that the pattern of change would be different in those first-order divisions (such as Rajput) or second-order divisions (such as Leva Kanbi) which did not have within them subdivisions of lower orders and which practised hypergamy extensively. Almost all the myths about the latter are enshrined in the puranas (for an analysis of a few of them, see Das 1968 and 1977). The method is to remove first the barriers of the divisions of the lowest order and then gradually those of one higher order after another. The Rajput links entailed the spread of Rajput culture in each Koli division and provided a certain cultural homogeneity to all the divisions. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term caste cluster, caste complex or caste category is used for divisions of a higher order and the term caste or jati is used for divisions of a lower order. The indigenous Kolis in the highland area of Pal in eastern Gujarat were called Palia, but there was another smaller population of KoUs, who were locally called Baria but were actually Talapada immigrants from central Gujarat. They then spread to towns in the homeland and among all castes. Tirgaar, Tirbanda. The degree of contravention is less if the couple belong, let us say, to two different fourth-order divisions within a third-order division than if they belong to two different third-order divisions within a second-order division, and so on. Similarly, the Khedawal Brahmans were divided into Baj and Bhitra, the Nagar Brahmans into Grihastha and Bhikshuk, the Anavils into Desai and Bhathela, and the Kanbis into Kanbi and Patidar. Copyright 10. For example, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). Usually, it was a small population. This was unlike the situation among the Rajputs who did not make any attempt to form small endogamous units. %PDF-1.7 We shall return later to a consideration of this problem. We will now analyze the internal structure of a few first-order divisions, each of which was split into divisions going down to the fourth order. He stated: hereditary specialization together with hierarchical organization sinks into the background in East Africa (293). We have seen how one second-order division among Brahmans, namely, Khedawal, was marked by continuous internal hierarchy and strong emphasis on hypergamy on the one hand and by absence of effective small endogamous units on the other. The four major woven fabrics produced by these communities are cotton, silk, khadi and linen. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). However, it is well known that there were subtle arguments regarding the status of certain royal families being Rajput. It is important to note that the more literate and learned Brahmans lived in towns, more particularly in capital and pilgrim towns, which were, indeed, the centres of higher Hindu culture and civilization. Finally, while an increasing number of marriages are taking place even across the boundaries of first-order divisions, as for example, between Brahmans and Vanias, and between Vanias and Patidars, such marriages even now form an extremely small proportion of the total number of marriages. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. x[? -E$nvU 4V6_}\]}/yOu__}ww7oz[_z~?=|nNT=|qq{\//]/Ft>_tV}gjjn#TfOus_?~>/GbKc.>^\eu{[GE_>'x?M5i16|B;=}-)$G&w5uvb~o:3r3v GL3or}|Y~?3s_hO?qWWpn|1>9WS3^:wTU3bN{tz;T_}so/R95iLc_6Oo_'W7y; Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate arrangements for its ownership. There was also a tendency among bachelors past marriageable age to establish liaisons with lower-caste women, which usually led the couple to flee and settle down in a distant village. Inclusion of a lower-order division in a higher-order one and distinction between various divisions in a certain order was not as unambiguous. % Patel is a surname of the Koli caste of Gujarat in India which have most importance in the politics of Gujarat and Koli Patels of Saurashtra was most benefited under the rule of Indian National Congress party. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. Toori. Hence as we go down the hierarchy we encounter more and more debates regarding the claims of particular lineages to being Rajput so much so that we lose sight of any boundary and the Rajput division merges imperceptibly into some other division. Frequently, The ekdas or gols were each divided into groups called tads (split). That the role of the two principles could vary at different levels within a first-order division has also been seen. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. I do not propose to review the literature on caste here; my aim is to point out the direction towards which a few facts from Gujarat lead us. As for the size of other castes, I shall make mainly relative statements. The two former ekdas continued to exist with diminished strength. manvar surname caste in gujarat. 2 0 obj The name, Talapada, meaning mdigenous, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning foreign, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. I am dealing here only with certain typical situations. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of division existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. The Rajputs in Radhvanaj, the village I have studied in central Gujarat, had no great difficulty in establishing their claim to being Rajputs: they owned substantial amounts of land under a traditional Rajput tenure, dominated village politics and possessed certain other traditional Rajput symbols. Prohibited Content 3. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. The essential idea in the category was power, and anybody who wielded powereither as king or as dominant group in a rural (even tribal) areacould claim to be Rajput. This list may not reflect recent changes. The census reports provide such figures until 1931, but it is well known that these pose many problems for sociological analysis, most of which arise out of the nature of castes as horizontal units. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: service to ones caste is service to the nation. Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transactions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the maintenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. This last name is predominantly found in Asia, where 93 percent of Limbachiya reside; 92 percent reside in South Asia and 92 percent reside in Indo-South Asia. The sub- the manner in which the ideas of free marriages and castles society are used by both the old and the young in modern India and how a number of new customs and institutions have evolved to cope with these new ideas is a fascinating subject of study. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolisthe largest castehave remained predominantly rural even today. <> Privacy Policy 8. One of the reasons behind underplaying of the principle of division by Dumont as well as by others seems to be the neglect of the study of caste in urban areas (see Dumonts remarks in 1972: 150). What I am trying to point out, however, is that greater emphasis on division (Pococks difference, Dumonts separation. It is a coalescence of Kolis and Rajputs on the modern political plane based on the foundation of the traditional social and cultural symbiosis under the rubric of Kshatriya. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. ADVERTISEMENTS: Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! The incidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. Kayatias and Tapodhans were considered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. Although the ekda or tad was the most effective unit for endogamy, each unit of the higher order was also significant for endogamy. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. The decline was further accelerated by the industrial revolution. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. No analytical gains are therefore likely to occur by calling them by any other name. The Levas, Anavils and Khedawals provide examples of castes whose internal organization had a strong emphasis on the principle of hierarchy and a weak emphasis on that of division. He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. In the village strict prohibition of inter-division marriage as well as the rules of purity and pollution and other mechanisms, of which the students of Indian village communities are well aware since the 1950s, maintained the boundaries of these divisions. If this rule was violated, i.e., if he married a girl with whom the Vanias did not have commensal relations, the maximum punishment, namely, excommunication, was imposed. Typically, a village consists of the sections of various castes, ranging from those with just one household to those with over u hundred. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. The humble Charkha (spinning wheel) and khadi became a dominant symbol of self-reliance, self-determination and nationalist pride. Until recently, sociologists and anthropologists described Indian society as though it had no urban component in the past. Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. Our analysis of the internal organization of caste divisions has shown considerable variation in the relative role of the principles of division and hierarchy. * List of Scheduled Tribes in Gujarat; A. . The lowest stratum in all the three divisions had to face the problem of scarcity of brides. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). Nor were ekdas and tads entirely an urban phenomenon. 100 Most Popular Indian Last Names Or SurnamesWhy Don't Tamil People Have Last Names?-----A . While fission did occur, fusion could also occur. The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. All of this information supports the point emerging from the above analysis, that frequently there was relatively little concern for ritual status between the second-order divisions within a first- order division than there was between the first-order divisions. There were similar problems about the status of a number of other divisions. Together they provide a slice of Gujarati society from the sea- coast to the bordering highlands. In central Gujarat, at least from about the middle of the 18th century, the population of the wealthy and powerful Patidar section of the Kanbis also lived in townsan extremely interesting development of rich villages into towns, which I will not describe here. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. Gujarat did not have anything like the non-Brahmin movement of South India and Maharashtra before 1947. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. I shall first provide an analysis of caste in the past roughly during the middle of the 19th century, and then deal with changes in the modern times. In central Gujarat, for example, one and the same division, freely arranging marriages within it, was known by several names such as Baraiya, Dharala, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patelia, Talapada, Thakarada, and Thakor. In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. Weaving and cloth trading communities of Western India particularly of Gujarat are called Vankar/Wankar/Vaniya. Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. <>/ExtGState<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/Annots[ 9 0 R] /MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 4 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S/StructParents 0>> They were thus not of the same status as most other second-order divisions among Brahmans. Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarats population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. : 11-15, 57-75). The urban community included a large number of caste groups as well as social groups of other kinds which tended to be like communities with a great deal of internal cohesion. The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in villages. In 1920 there were 2 Mehta families living in New Jersey. James Campbell (1901: xii), the compiler of gazetteers for the former Bombay presidency comprising several linguistic regions, wrote about Gujarat: In no part of India are the subdivisions so minute, one of them, the Rayakval Vanias, numbering only 47 persons in 1891. This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. endobj The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. While we can find historical information about the formation of ekdas and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. Although the people of one tad would talk about their superiority over those of another tad in an ekda, and the people of one ekda over those of another in a higher-order division, particularly in large towns where two or more tads and ekdas would be found living together, there was no articulate ranking and hypergamy among them. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. But there were also others who did not wield any power. During Mughal Empire India was manufacturing 27% of world's textile and Gujarati weavers dominated along with Bengali weavers in Indian textile trade industry overseas. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Category:Social_groups_of_Gujarat&oldid=1080951156, Social groups of India by state or union territory, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License 3.0, This page was last edited on 4 April 2022, at 12:36. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . The tribal groups in the highland area, such as the Bhils and Naikdas, also did not have any urban component. I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corresponding Vania division. Content Filtrations 6. 4 0 obj In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajputs unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollution. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. <>/Metadata 3086 0 R/ViewerPreferences 3087 0 R>> Image Guidelines 5. Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. The Rajput hierarchy had many levels below the level of the royal families of the large and powerful kingdoms: lineages of owners of large and small fiefs variously called jagir, giras, thakarat,thikana, taluka, and wanted-, lineages of substantial landowners under various land tenures having special rights and privileges; and lineages of small landowners. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality (1932: 184). The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. The very low Brahmans such as Kayatias and Tapodhans were invited but made to eat separately from the rest of the Brahmans. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. //

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